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Americans are furious after Congress admitted they are doing nothing to stop this dangerous threat

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Our government isn’t helping us. It’s like pulling teeth to get anything done.

And now Americans are furious after Congress admitted they are doing nothing to stop this dangerous threat.

Republicans in Congress have spent months thundering about the dangers of Flock’s automated license plate readers turning America into a surveillance state. So where’s the bill to actually kill the program? As of this week, it doesn’t exist. Not one piece of legislation currently before Congress would ban Flock-type cameras outright, despite growing bipartisan alarm over what these systems are capable of tracking.

Plenty of lawmakers, overwhelmingly Republicans, have introduced or promised bills addressing automated surveillance in some fashion. None of them go all the way to an outright ban on the technology that’s quietly blanketing American communities with government-adjacent tracking capability.

Florida Rep. Anna Paulina Luna announced back on July 22 that she was drafting legislation to ban Flock cameras entirely. “I’m working on legislation to ban these,” Luna posted at the time. Nearly a month later, that bill still hasn’t materialized, and her office didn’t respond to the Daily Caller News Foundation’s questions about the delay.

Tennessee Rep. Tim Burchett has gone further than most, introducing the Protection Against Mass Surveillance Act in July, which would bar federal agencies from purchasing or operating Flock cameras or any similar automated surveillance system designed to “identify, track, or record individuals.” It’s a serious step, but it only covers federal agencies — leaving the thousands of local police departments already running these systems untouched.

Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie and Colorado Rep. Lauren Boebert introduced the Surveillance Accountability Act back in April, requiring federal and local agencies to obtain a warrant before conducting surveillance on American citizens. That bill would block warrantless facial recognition scanning in public spaces and restrict use of license plate readers like Flock, but again, it stops short of a full ban. Massie has separately promised legislation to strip federal funding from any local municipality or police department using Flock or similar automated license plate reader systems. “I’ll soon be introducing a bill to withhold all federal funding for cameras used to track American citizens,” he said.

Texas Rep. Keith Self, joined by Arizona Rep. Eli Crane and Georgia Rep. Andrew Clyde, introduced a bill in July requiring law enforcement to get a warrant before accessing state and local surveillance data, while also restricting federal funds for purchasing or installing the systems. Indiana Rep. Marlin Stutzman has vowed to pursue his own legislation after a Flock camera falsely flagged his license plate and got him pulled over — a personal experience that clearly radicalized him on the issue, though his bill remains in the early stages. “The repeated misidentification of innocent Americans and warrantless surveillance of millions are my two largest concerns with Flock cameras,” Stutzman told the DCNF. “No matter who you are or what you do, areas with Flock cameras are tracking you.”

Flock itself, unsurprisingly, wants Congress to stop short of a ban. A company spokesperson told the DCNF that lawmakers should pursue “strong, clear safeguards” rather than outlawing the technology outright, insisting that “more than 40 courts across the country have considered LPRs in the context of the Fourth Amendment and ruled overwhelmingly that the use of these tools in public spaces does not require a warrant.” Convenient for a company raking in government contracts nationwide.

But the real-world abuses tell a different story than Flock’s corporate talking points. Mike Fox, a legal fellow at the libertarian CATO Institute’s Project on Criminal Justice, warned the DCNF that these systems have “abysmally high false positive rates” that put innocent Americans directly in harm’s way. “How many people is this going to happen to? What if someone gets killed? What if an officer gets a false positive from someone who’s armed and one of them dies? Because that’s a real possibility. It’s only a matter of time before either a citizen, a cop or both get killed because of this,” Fox said.

That’s not hypothetical fear-mongering — it’s already happening. The Institute for Justice documented 30 separate instances of police officers using license plate readers to stalk romantic interests. One former Milwaukee officer secretly used the Flock system to track his romantic partner’s location 124 separate times. An innocent Wisconsin driver was held at gunpoint in early August after a camera made an outright mistake.

None of this should surprise anyone who’s paid attention to how federal surveillance powers have been abused in the past. Former FBI attorney Kevin Clinesmith pleaded guilty in 2020 to altering an email used to obtain a FISA warrant to spy on Trump’s own 2016 campaign. The FBI abused Section 702 of FISA nearly 300,000 times between 2020 and early 2021, running over 23,000 searches after the January 6 Capitol riot alone, hitting Jan. 6 suspects, congressional campaign donors, and Black Lives Matter protesters in the process. Despite that documented abuse, congressional Republicans largely supported extending Section 702 anyway — only 19 House Republicans, including Burchett, Massie and Boebert, voted against reauthorization in June.

Where are Democrats in all this? Largely silent or worse. Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden and Illinois Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi called for an investigation into Flock’s cybersecurity failures back in November, but neither introduced actual legislation to fix the problem. Georgia Sen. Jon Ossoff, whose state hosts Flock’s Atlanta headquarters, hasn’t made any public statements on the cameras despite widespread use of the systems throughout Georgia communities. His office didn’t respond to the DCNF’s request for comment either.

It’s also worth noting where Flock’s money has gone. The company spent $920,000 on lobbying in 2025 and another $430,000 in the first half of 2026, employing seven lobbyists to protect its interests on Capitol Hill. Company employees have made political donations overwhelmingly to Democratic candidates and causes — including Flock CEO Garrett Langley’s $1,000 contribution to a leadership PAC affiliated with Sen. Ossoff — with over $15,000 of the company’s $17,260 total in donations going to Democrats like Fair Fight and former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Even President Trump himself has hedged on the issue, saying Monday only that Flock cameras have “pros and cons” — hardly the kind of full-throated opposition grassroots conservatives worried about government overreach are hoping to hear from the man they elected to rein in the surveillance state.

The bottom line is simple: for all the tough talk from Capitol Hill Republicans about Flock cameras threatening American privacy and constitutional rights, not a single piece of legislation currently before Congress would actually ban the technology. Americans concerned about warrantless tracking, false accusations at gunpoint, and officers stalking their exes using taxpayer-funded surveillance tools are still waiting for Washington to match its rhetoric with real action.

Socialist Democrat says he’ll go even further than Bernie Sanders

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The Left has plenty of bad policies. But some go way too far.

And now a socialist Democrat says he’ll go even further than Bernie Sanders.

Michigan Democratic Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed said he wants to push past Bernie Sanders’ public-ownership model for major artificial intelligence companies, telling a left-wing podcast in June that “some system of public control” over the industry doesn’t go far enough on its own — comments now drawing fresh scrutiny as he carries his brand of politics into a marquee general election.

Asked on the June 12 “Head in the Office” podcast whether he backed Sanders’ public ownership proposal for major AI firms, El-Sayed didn’t hesitate. “I want to actually take it a step further,” he said. “I agree that we need public ownership, but I also agree that we need some system of public control.”

A Democratic Nominee Pressed On How Far “Public Control” Goes

El-Sayed stopped short of calling for the government to seize or take ownership of private AI companies outright, instead pointing to measures like public representation on corporate boards or a dedicated oversight body. “I just think it’s really important for us to be thinking what is democratic control over this industry? What does it look like?” he said, framing AI as an “existential” risk that demands aggressive public oversight.

He cast the fight in populist terms, accusing tech companies of trying to sidestep democratic accountability in Washington. “Democracy is supposed to fix these problems, and, right now, they’re trying to slip democracy, and we cannot allow that,” El-Sayed said. “We need leaders who both understand the technological risk and are not bought off by the AI industry itself.”

Senior Democrats Have Tried To Soften The Socialist Label

The comments surface at an awkward moment for Democratic leadership, which has worked to downplay how far its rising socialist wing wants to go. Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., recently argued that young Americans identifying as socialists aren’t embracing traditional Marxist doctrine, telling reporters he didn’t believe they meant “I want to socialize the means of production,” and characterizing the movement’s goals as “greater equality and opportunity” rather than “dialectical materialism” or the “dictatorship of the proletariat.”

That framing sits uneasily next to more explicit language from some of the movement’s leading figures — including New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who told a 2021 Young Democratic Socialists of America conference that one of the movement’s core beliefs was the “end goal of seizing the means of production.”

A Test Case For How Far The Party’s Left Flank Can Go

El-Sayed, who has drawn frequent comparisons to Mamdani, now heads into the general election against Republican Mike Rogers carrying a platform built around “Medicare for All” and calls to abolish ICE — with his June remarks on AI industry control adding another data point for Republicans arguing that his brand of politics sits well outside the mainstream in a state President Trump narrowly carried in 2024.

The resurfaced comments also feed into a broader argument Republicans have made throughout the midterm cycle: that whatever Democratic leaders in Washington say publicly about the limits of their party’s socialist wing, some of its highest-profile candidates are, in their own words, pushing to go further still.

Leftist media network host makes a wild claim about the GOP

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The mainstream media has lost their minds. But that isn’t anything new.

And a leftist media network host made a wild claim about the GOP.

Michael Steele just reminded everyone why so many Americans tuned out the mainstream media years ago.

On a recent broadcast of MS NOW’s “Deadline,” Steele launched into a familiar rant against Republicans in Congress and the Trump administration, accusing them of abandoning the troops.

Steele claimed Republicans “don’t give a d*mn about” things that occur to U.S. troops.

That line alone should tell you everything about where his head is these days. The same party that has spent decades pushing higher defense budgets, stronger readiness, and respect for those who wear the uniform is suddenly, in Steele’s telling, indifferent to service members.

He did not stop there, saying, “This Congress is inept. It is the height of buffoonery. It needs to go. It is a danger to the American people.”

According to Steele, the military used to be a core Republican priority.

“I mean, the military Republicans used to beat their breast and beat up everybody else who was not down with USA, USA, military and service and all of that, and they treat the military as an afterthought. It’s just another pawn in the play for them. They don’t give a damn about what happens to these men and women,” he said.

“How much outrage have we heard about the Lincoln from Republicans? Seriously, where is the bank of microphones and the leadership standing there condemning what’s happened on this ship and holding the administration, the secretary of DOD, accountable for it?”

The “Lincoln” reference appears to be Steele’s attempt to manufacture a scandal around a naval vessel and pin it on Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and President Trump.

Yet the actual record shows an administration that has prioritized lethality, recruitment recovery, and ending the social experiments that hollowed out readiness under the previous team.

Steele then turned his fire on the Pentagon’s top civilian:

“The Secretary of Defense should have his TV-groomed behind on that deck, talking to those sailors and letting them know, ‘I got you.’ But he can’t, because the only person he’s got is Donald Trump, and the only person who’s got him is Donald Trump. That’s it.”

That last shot reveals more about Steele than about Hegseth. Loyalty to the elected president is somehow a character flaw in Steele’s world.

In the real world, a defense secretary who answers to the commander-in-chief is how the system is designed to work.

The GOP is in an uproar and now everyone is picking sides

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The Democrats have had their issues. But now Republicans are too.

And the GOP is in an uproar and everyone is picking sides.

A South Carolina special election that was supposed to be a formality is instead exposing real fault lines inside the Republican Party, after Rep. Warren Davidson, R-Ohio, publicly suggested that Sen. Darline Graham — appointed last month to fill her late brother Lindsey Graham’s seat — represents establishment interests rather than the outsider energy that swept President Trump back into office.

Graham finished first in the Aug. 11 special primary and now faces second-place finisher Rep. Ralph Norman, R-S.C., in an Aug. 25 runoff that has quickly become a proxy fight over what kind of Republican the party wants representing South Carolina.

A House Conservative Takes A Shot At The Appointed Incumbent

Davidson, a longtime member of the House Freedom Caucus known for his skepticism of Washington insiders, didn’t mince words in a Monday post on X. “Ralph Norman will work to drain the swamp. The swamp wants allies not adversaries. The swamp appointed an ally. These are the stakes in South Carolina,” he wrote — a pointed reference to Gov. Henry McMaster’s decision to appoint Graham to the seat following her brother’s death.

The comment reflects a broader argument Norman’s allies have made throughout the runoff: that Graham, whatever her merits, arrived in the Senate through appointment rather than a grassroots campaign, and that Norman’s record as a reliable fiscal conservative in the House makes him the tougher watchdog on spending and bureaucratic overreach.

Trump Doubles Down On His Pick

Complicating the “swamp” argument, however, is the fact that President Trump — hardly a defender of establishment Republicans — is the one who recruited Graham to run in the first place and has continued to back her heading into the runoff. “SOUTH CAROLINA: GET OUT AND VOTE FOR DARLINE GRAHAM ON TUESDAY, AUGUST 25TH. DARLINE HAS MY COMPLETE AND TOTAL ENDORSEMENT — SHE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!” Trump wrote in an Aug. 14 Truth Social post.

Trump’s endorsement carries real weight in a deep-red state where his support has proven decisive in past GOP primaries, and it puts Davidson’s critique somewhat at odds with the president’s own judgment on who best carries forward his agenda in the Senate.

A Fractured Field Consolidating Behind Graham

Graham has also picked up support from Rep. Russell Fry, R-S.C., who placed third in the special primary and has urged his voters to back her in the runoff — a sign that much of the establishment and grassroots GOP infrastructure in the state is consolidating behind the appointed incumbent even as Norman continues to make his outsider case. Fox News Digital reached out to Graham’s campaign for comment on Davidson’s remarks.

Whichever candidate emerges from the Aug. 25 runoff will be heavily favored to hold the seat in a state Trump carried decisively in 2024, meaning the real stakes of this intra-party clash may be less about the general election and more about which wing of the Republican Party — Trump’s hand-picked choice or the House Freedom Caucus’s preferred outsider — carries more weight with South Carolina’s conservative base going forward.

Leftist operative goes off on his fellow party members

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Democrat infighting continues. It may never stop.

And a leftist operative went off on his fellow party members.

James Carville has never been shy about speaking his mind, and on Monday night he delivered another classic performance on Jesse Watters Primetime.

The leftist operative took aim at the Democratic Socialist candidates who keep scoring victories in party primaries, writing them off without hesitation.

He labeled them “silly” and a “pack of fools.” That blunt assessment came as Watters pressed him on the direction of the Democratic Party and the rising influence of its furthest-left wing.

Watters said, “[D]o you think that you guys should run AOC? Another woman? You guys have not done well running women, James.”

“Well, first of all, I don’t know if I feel bad about the Democratic Party. We are ahead eight points in aggressive generic — Trump is at 32% in the polls. And so I don’t know about you — if I’m worried about the Democrats right now, I’m not. We’re going to win the House, and we are going to win the Senate,” Carville said in response.

The confidence was pure Carville. In his view, the map looks so favorable that internal squabbles barely register.

Watters kept pushing, asking directly, “You’re not worried about the communists taking over the party?”

Carville’s answer left no room for doubt: “No, no. They’re a bunch of silly people. Those people you had on there, those DSA people, they are a pack of fools. No one pays attention to them. They could do anything.”

He treated the Democratic Socialists of America and their fellow travelers as little more than background noise, a sideshow that serious Democrats can safely ignore.

Yet he made a careful exception for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez:

“Now, if you ask me about AOC, I do think she’s very talented. She’s certainly to the left of me. But you know what she’s doing, but I think good politicians do, she is growing into the job. She’s not the same person she was when she was elected in 2018.”

“And when people change a position from what I think is a more naive position to a more realistic position, I’m going to praise them. I’m a guy — I like converts in my church. I can’t get you to come in to it, but I will try somebody else.”

That line about converts may play well inside Democratic circles, but it does nothing to address the hard reality facing voters outside them.

Democratic Socialists have been winning real primaries and claiming real nominations. Calling them fools does not erase those results or the platform they run on.

Hakeem Jeffries betrays one Democrat with an attack no one saw coming

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The Democrat Party is crumbling. It could be over before you know it.

Now Hakeem Jeffries betrayed one Democrat with an attack no one saw coming.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries drew a public line this weekend between himself and the socialist wing of his own party, telling NBC’s “Meet the Press” he does not support Medicare for All or the broader agenda of the Democratic Socialists of America — a notable retreat from a Democrat who co-sponsored the legislation as recently as 2021, and one that immediately exposed how divided his caucus has become.

The comments came as Democrats try to project unity heading into November following a summer of primary upsets that have installed DSA-aligned nominees in high-profile races from Michigan to New York City, and as Jeffries himself works to recapture the House majority.

Jeffries Draws A Line His Party Isn’t Fully Behind

Asked point-blank by host Kristen Welker whether he personally backed Medicare for All, Jeffries didn’t hedge. “No, i — as you indicated, I haven’t cosponsored the Medicare for All legislation that has been introduced over the last several years,” he said. “I do think we need to figure out how to fix our broken health care system and then build something better once we repair the damage that has been done.”

Pressed on whether democratic socialists belong under the Democratic Party’s tent at all, Jeffries again declined to embrace the movement even as he acknowledged its growing presence within his ranks. “I don’t support the DSA agenda as has been articulated by the DSA itself,” he said, though he stopped short of trying to exclude DSA-aligned members who win their primaries: “You’re going to have individual members who have been elected in Democratic primaries, and if they are elected in the general in November, will be part of the House Democratic Caucus. It’s going to be a broad caucus. There will be progressives. There will be New Dems. There will be Blue Dogs.”

An Inconvenient Paper Trail

Jeffries’ current position sits awkwardly alongside his own legislative history: he formally co-sponsored the Medicare for All Act in both 2019 and 2021, with the New York City DSA’s Healthcare Working Group at the time crediting a months-long pressure campaign for helping secure his support, while noting his position was qualified because he also backed a public-option alternative. He was, notably, absent from the list of more than 100 House co-sponsors when the bill was reintroduced in April 2025 — a sign, in retrospect, of where his thinking was already headed.

The DSA’s newer “Workers Deserve More!” platform goes well beyond health care, calling for abolishing ICE and the Senate, replacing the presidency and Supreme Court with bodies subordinate to Congress, and redirecting police funding as a step toward eliminating police departments and prisons entirely — positions well outside the mainstream that Jeffries appears determined not to be tied to as his party heads into a competitive midterm.

A Caucus Pulling In Opposite Directions

Not everyone in Democratic leadership is playing it safe. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., broke publicly with Jeffries in a separate “Meet the Press” segment the same day, calling for an outright House vote on the measure if Democrats retake the majority. “Medicare for All is arguably the most important priority,” Khanna said. “The case for Medicare for All has never been clearer or more urgent. Congress must pass Medicare for All.” Khanna pointed to a Yale analysis he’d commissioned projecting that a single-payer system could cut annual national health spending from $5.28 trillion to $4.24 trillion — a projection conservative health economists have long disputed on grounds ranging from provider reimbursement cuts to the difficulty of achieving projected administrative savings.

Former MS NOW host Mehdi Hasan piled on from the left, accusing Jeffries of being out of step with his own party’s base: “A reminder that the vast majority of Democrats across the country support Medicare for All. This man is so out of touch with his party. How is he their leader??”

The split comes as seven incumbent House Democrats have already lost primaries this cycle to DSA-backed or affiliated challengers, including Jeffries-endorsed Reps. Dan Goldman and Adriano Espaillat in New York — a trend that Republicans are watching closely as they build their case that today’s Democratic Party, whatever its leader says on Sunday shows, is being pulled steadily further left by its own base.

Key Trump official resigns in a huge shock to everyone

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The Trump administration has been in turmoil. Now it’s going even further.

And a key Trump official resigned in a huge shock to everyone.

Karoline Leavitt, one of the most visible faces of the Trump White House and the youngest press secretary in U.S. history, is stepping away from the podium at the end of the month, President Donald Trump announced Wednesday. Rather than exiting the political arena, Leavitt will pivot to an outside advisory role focused on the party’s midterm push.

Trump framed the move as a family decision, not a falling-out, praising her tenure in personal terms while signaling she’ll remain in his inner circle heading into a pivotal election year.

A Trusted Aide Steps Back, Not Away

“Our wonderful White House Press Secretary, and one of my most trusted aides, Karoline Leavitt, will be departing her role at the end of the month so she can spend more time with her beautiful young children and family, a decision I totally understand and respect!” Trump said in a statement.

Rather than a clean break, Trump made clear Leavitt would remain a fixture in his political operation. “Karoline will now be one of my top outside advisors, and an influential voice within the Republican Party, as we work to defy History, and conclusively win the Midterm Elections,” he said.

The president leaned on her track record dating back to his 2024 campaign to make the case that her influence would only grow from outside the West Wing. “Karoline has been a real leader in the White House, and has done a phenomenal job fighting for Justice, Liberty, and Freedom, since 2018, including our Historic Re-Election Campaign of 2024,” Trump said. “Karoline has been one of the best White House Press Secretaries in the History of the Office. Thank you, Karoline, for a job well done!”

A Vacancy At A Critical Moment

Trump’s statement did not name a successor at the podium, leaving one of the administration’s most high-profile communications posts unfilled as the White House heads into a stretch dominated by immigration enforcement fights, the ongoing socialist surge inside the Democratic Party, and preparations for the fall midterms. Allies of the administration, including senior adviser Stephen Miller, quickly offered public praise for Leavitt’s tenure following the announcement.

Leavitt built a reputation during her time behind the podium for combative exchanges with the press corps and unflinching defenses of the president’s agenda, becoming a favorite among the administration’s supporters even as she drew regular criticism from Democrats and mainstream outlets.

What Comes Next

With Leavitt shifting into an advisory capacity, her new role is expected to place her closer to the party’s 2026 campaign strategy rather than day-to-day press briefings — a move that keeps a proven communicator in Trump’s orbit without the daily grind of the briefing room. The transition comes as Republicans look to defend their House and Senate majorities against a newly energized progressive wing of the Democratic Party, a dynamic that has dominated headlines out of Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota in recent days.

Secret recording of one Democrat sent Capitol Hill into a total uproar

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Democrats are losing their minds. And Republicans are right there with them.

Because a secret recording of one Democrat sent Capitol Hill into a total uproar.

A years-old radio interview is complicating Sen. Jon Ossoff’s re-election bid in Georgia, after audio surfaced this week showing the Democrat endorsing the idea that the federal government owes a debt to Black Americans for the legacy of slavery — comments that could prove costly in a race Republicans see as a top pickup opportunity.

The remarks, made in a 2019 interview shortly after Ossoff launched his first Senate campaign, put him on record backing the general concept of reparations at a moment when the issue is drawing fresh scrutiny nationally, including from the Trump administration’s Justice Department.

What Ossoff Said, In His Own Words

Speaking to a local radio host in 2019, Ossoff didn’t hedge on whether restitution was owed — only on the mechanics of how to deliver it. “There is a debt unpaid. I think it is a very, very difficult question: how to pay it,” Ossoff said. When the host pressed that the real question was how, not whether, to pay it, Ossoff agreed outright: “Exactly.”

Ossoff went further, throwing his support behind a concrete legislative vehicle. “Sen. Cory Booker has legislation in the Senate to establish a commission for the purposes of studying the right way to redress the grievance — to pay the debt never paid,” he said, invoking the unfulfilled Civil War-era promise of land redistribution to freed slaves: “Forty acres and a mule was never paid out.”

Booker’s bill has been reintroduced multiple times, most recently in 2025, and remains parked in the Senate Judiciary Committee. Notably, despite his past remarks, Ossoff has never signed on as a co-sponsor.

A Conservative Legal Case Against Race-Based Remedies

The reparations debate sits squarely inside a broader legal fight over race-conscious policy that conservatives have waged for years, centered on the argument that treating individuals differently under the law based on race — however well-intentioned — violates the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection. The Supreme Court’s 2023 decision striking down race-based college admissions, Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, is frequently cited by the right as the controlling precedent: the justices held that students “must be treated based on his or her experiences as an individual — not on the basis of race,” faulting universities for concluding “wrongly, that the touchstone of an individual’s identity is not challenges bested, skills built or lessons learned by the color of their skin.”

The Trump Justice Department has separately moved to unwind local reparations programs, with Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon arguing initiatives like Evanston, Illinois’ cannot survive the strict constitutional scrutiny required for any government program that sorts citizens by race.

A Political Liability In A Marquee Senate Race

Ossoff cleared his Democratic primary earlier this year and now heads into a general election on Nov. 3 against Republican Rep. Mike Collins in a contest widely seen as one of the marquee Senate races of the cycle — a rematch of sorts after Ossoff’s razor-thin 50.6%-49.4% win over then-Sen. David Perdue in 2021. His office did not respond to questions about whether his position on reparations has shifted since 2019 or whether he still supports Booker’s commission proposal.

The timing is notable: reparations advocacy has become closely associated with the same progressive wing of the Democratic Party that just delivered a shock primary win for democratic socialist Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has similarly declined to rule out cash reparations pending a city commission’s findings. Whether Ossoff’s decade-old comments get tied to that broader leftward drift may hinge on how aggressively Collins and national Republicans choose to spotlight them between now and November.

Loser Democrat candidate makes an absurd claim about Republicans

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This leftist needs to go into hiding. Their opinion is constantly wrong.

And a loser Democrat candidate made an absurd claim about Republicans.

Stacey Abrams is at it again, peddling the same tired scare tactics that the left loves to spew.

On Thursday’s edition of MS NOW’s “The Briefing,” Abrams claimed that Republicans have an intent to destroy democracy.

She framed routine redistricting in Tennessee as some grand conspiracy to wipe out black political power and drag the nation back to the Jim Crow era.

Host Michael Steele pressed her on the energy in Memphis, specifically the ninth Congressional District.

Abrams answered with a story about her own appearance before a Senate committee.

“I was there, I testified in front of the Senate committee, a committee that convened and passed a map. It had not yet drawn. The Senate minority leader, Raumesh Akbari, asked for a copy of the map and they said, well, we haven’t drawn it yet, but we know what we’re doing. And as you pointed out, they intended to dismantle black voting power because they intend to dismantle democracy. And I think it’s so important that we recognize that while they target black voters for their animus, their intention is to dismantle democracy for all of us,” she stated.

“They just start with the community they think is the easiest to attack. But what has always happened and what we saw happen that day, I testified that morning, but that evening I was in a church that was packed with more than 200 people who’d gathered to protest those maps, but also to start planning what could they do in response?”

“And what we know is that it’s taken them 61 years to get what they wanted, which is a return to Jim Crow, a return to a moment where the 15th amendment didn’t actually work for everyone in this country, but it took them 60 years to dismantle it. We don’t have 60 years to wait to rebuild it. Now is the time for us to believe that we not only have the power and the agency, we have the numbers.”

Abrams treats lawful redistricting—something both parties have practiced for generations—as an existential plot.

She insists the goal is not competitive districts or fair representation but the deliberate destruction of black voting strength as a first step toward crushing democracy itself.

Right-leaning voters have heard this song before. Every time a Republican-led state redraws lines after a census, the same voices cry foul and reach for the most extreme historical comparisons available.

Abrams herself has a long record of claiming elections are stolen or systems are rigged whenever the outcome does not go her way.

After losing the Georgia governor’s race twice, she built an entire public brand around the idea that the machinery of democracy is permanently stacked against her side.

Moderate Democrats just got kicked out of the Democrat Party

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The Left is undergoing a massive change. And it’s crazier than you think.

Now moderate Democrats just got kicked out of the Democrat Party.

Michigan’s Democratic primary was supposed to settle one nomination fight. Instead, it’s poured gasoline on a party-wide civil war that now shifts to Wisconsin and Minnesota, where progressive candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America and Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren are threatening to repeat El-Sayed’s playbook — and giving Republicans fresh ammunition to paint the entire party as out of step with mainstream voters.

Abdul El-Sayed’s narrow victory over more moderate Rep. Haley Stevens this week has emboldened the party’s left flank ahead of primaries next Tuesday that will decide a top-tier Senate race in Minnesota and a pivotal governor’s race in Wisconsin, both states Republicans see as ripe for pickup.

Progressive Momentum Builds Beyond Michigan

“Michigan proved that working people are ready for something different, and Wisconsin is next,” Wisconsin gubernatorial candidate Francesca Hong wrote following El-Sayed’s win. Hong, a state representative and self-identified Democratic Socialists of America member, currently leads the polling for the Democratic nomination and is backed by prominent progressives including Reps. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota and Ro Khanna of California.

Hong’s platform includes guaranteed paid leave and a one-year moratorium on new AI data centers in Wisconsin. She has also faced renewed scrutiny over old social media posts calling for defunding and abolishing police departments — positions she now says she no longer holds. The winner of the Democratic primary is expected to face Republican Rep. Tom Tiffany, the commanding frontrunner for the GOP nomination in the race to replace retiring Gov. Tony Evers.

In Minnesota, the same ideological rift is playing out between progressive Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan — backed by Sanders and Warren — and more moderate Rep. Angie Craig, as both compete for the Democratic nomination to succeed retiring Sen. Tina Smith.

Establishment Democrats Sound The Alarm

Not everyone in the party is cheering the leftward shift. A Wisconsin-based Democratic strategist, granted anonymity to speak candidly, warned that a Hong nomination “will hurt Democrats down ballot, in key congressional and legislative races” across the battleground state — a concern echoed privately by Democrats worried that a Flanagan win in Minnesota could hand Republicans an opening in a state the GOP hasn’t carried in a presidential race in decades.

The stakes are difficult to overstate: more than $80 million was poured into the Michigan Senate primary alone, making it the most expensive Democratic Senate nomination fight in American history, much of it spent by outside groups — including the AIPAC-aligned United Democracy Project — trying to stop El-Sayed. Progressive strategist Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, argued the outcome proved the left’s staying power regardless: “any win against $60 million dollars of outside spending by AIPAC and corporate interests is a giant win and sets us on a path of proving our case in November to shake up the system.”

Republicans Sense An Opening Heading Into November

El-Sayed’s win wasn’t an isolated data point. Sunrise Movement co-founder William Lawrence narrowly won a competitive primary in Michigan’s 7th Congressional District, and state Rep. Donovan McKinney — backed by Sanders, El-Sayed and House “Squad” members — upset sitting Rep. Shri Thanedar in Michigan’s 13th District. The left did suffer one high-profile loss, however, as former Rep. Cori Bush of Missouri, a DSA member, was routed by Rep. Wesley Bell in a St. Louis rematch.

Taken together, Republicans argue the results validate their midterm strategy of tying every Democrat on the ballot to the party’s most progressive flank. Vice President JD Vance made that case directly this week on Fox News’ “The Ingraham Angle,” arguing that “the base of the Democratic Party just wants radicals. It wants these DSA types, it wants people who hate even the idea of private property ownership.” President Trump has gone further still, routinely labeling the party’s progressive wing “communists.”

Whether that message resonates with general-election voters — or whether it’s Democratic moderates who end up paying the price for their own party’s leftward drift — will be tested in Wisconsin and Minnesota next week, and ultimately at the ballot box in November.

Trump’s helicopter entered uncharted territory in a terrifying run-in

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Donald Trump’s life is at risk seemingly all the time. But this is inexcusable.

Now Trump’s helicopter entered uncharted territory in a terrifying run-in.

What Actually Happened in the Skies Over Washington on Tuesday

Two aircraft. One shared patch of sky near Reagan National Airport. And now, two federal agencies trying to figure out exactly how close things really got.

It happened as President Trump was leaving the White House aboard Marine One, headed for Joint Base Andrews and, eventually, Los Angeles. At almost the same time, a commercial airliner was climbing out of Reagan National. For a brief window, the two aircraft came closer together than FAA rules allow — a “loss of separation,” in aviation terms, meaning they broke the required three-mile buffer for planes flying at the same altitude within 40 miles of an Airport Surveillance Radar antenna.

The FAA’s account of what followed is notably specific: “Based on our preliminary safety review, there was momentary loss of separation, after which the aircraft continued to move away from one another. The air traffic controller was in contact with both the commercial pilot and Marine One pilot during the loss of separation. As the White House has said, the president was never in danger. We are continuing to review the incident and will implement any appropriate corrective actions based on our findings.”

Who’s Investigating, and What They’re Saying

The NTSB confirmed Wednesday afternoon that it opened a formal inquiry, posting on X that it is “investigating a reported loss of separation event between Marine One and a commercial aircraft departing DCA that occurred on Aug. 4.”

The White House, for its part, wasted no time putting the episode in context. “Marine One flights are piloted by some of the best aviators in the world, and at no point was the president in harm’s way,” spokesman Kush Desai said.

Reached for comment, the Secret Service pointed reporters back to the White House and FAA statements rather than adding anything new. That leaves two open threads: the NTSB’s formal investigation into how the loss of separation occurred, and the FAA’s own safety review, which officials say could still result in corrective action once complete. Neither agency has offered a timeline for when either review might wrap up.

Bernie Sanders reveals a disgusting stance on this vile, anti-American leftist

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Sanders continues to say asinine things. It’s a concerning trend.

And Bernie Sanders reveals a disgusting stance on this vile, anti-American leftist.

Bernie Sanders just reminded everyone why the radical left remains a toxic force in American politics.

On a recent appearance on CNN, the Vermont independent once again chose the side of the most extreme voices over basic patriotism and common sense.

Host Abby Phillip pressed him on the close ties between progressive candidate Abdul El-Sayed and the far-left streamer Hasan Piker.

She asked, “Are you comfortable with El-Sayed having a close association with him, given some of his past statements, to give you an example, one of the more controversial ones is that Piker has said America deserved 9/11. Are you comfortable with that association?”

“No, I am not. And I think that’s a dumb statement. On the other hand, he has a whole lot of followers, and there are a lot of things that he’s saying that are making sense to a lot of people. I think we have to get above cancel culture,” Sanders said.

“When you’re doing radio, whatever they do, podcasts three hours a day, you say dumb things. I suspect if you go back over your career, there may be one or two things that you’ve said that you may have regretted. But I think what we have got to do is look at the totality of where people are coming from and go forward.”

That is the softest possible defense of a man who claimed the United States deserved the worst terrorist attack in its history.

According to Sanders, Piker’s massive audience and the occasional sensible-sounding rant somehow outweigh open contempt for the country that gave him a platform.

Phillip followed up by pointing to Democratic strategist James Carville, who has said he wants no part of a party that includes figures like Piker.

She asked Sanders which side he would choose. His answer was pure progressive arrogance:

“Well, that’s not much of a choice. If Mr. Carville doesn’t want to be in my party, the party that I belong to, that Piker, that El-Sayed belongs to, he can start his own party.”

In other words, the longtime Democratic operative who helped elect Bill Clinton can leave.

The streamer who cheered 9/11 stays. Sanders made the hierarchy crystal clear.